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📚 Tectonica's New Book Out Now! 📚 Fixing Our Democracies and Winning Elections in The Age of Junk Politics - A Guide to Transformational Campaigning by Ned Howey

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Contributor: Mariana Spada

The attacks in Brazil on January 8th are a wake up call to the threats facing democracy and progressive movements. Our co-founder and creative director Mariana Spada explains how this happened, what it means for democracies and progressives, and what we need to focus on in the future.

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"}}]}]}],["$","div",null,{"className":"basic-content","children":[["$","h2","t-0",{"children":[["Brasil: Una insurrección largamente anunciada"]]}],["$","h3","t-1",{"children":[["("],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"#English","children":[["English version below"]]}],[")"]]}],["$","h3","t-2",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Introducción"]}]]}],["$","p","t-3",{"children":[["El pasado 8 de enero, a tan solo una semana del comienzo de la tercera presidencia de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, partidarios del ex presidente de extrema derecha Jair Bolsonaro intentaron llevar a cabo un golpe de estado en Brasil mediante el asalto a las principales sedes del poder político de Brasilia."]]}],["$","p","t-4",{"children":[["El presente artículo propone un breve racconto de los hechos y sus antecedentes, así como algunas reflexiones que atañen a la intersección entre política y tecnología en los márgenes de la regulación por un lado, y a las posibles respuestas de los movimientos progresistas frente a las amenazas que se ciernen sobre la democracia. En nuestra opinión, los eventos recientes en Brasil confirman nuestra hipótesis de que la predominancia de las redes sociales y otras herramientas semejantes como espacio de conexión central de la educación cívica, ya sea en campañas políticas o de otra clase, corre en dirección contraria a las normas democráticas, así como de nuestra visión progresista del mundo."]]}],["$","p","t-5",{"children":[["Esto se debe fundamentalmente a que el diseño subyacente de este tipo de herramientas no está orientado a generar cambio social, sino a obtener ganancias a toda costa. Por otro lado, resulta extremadamente difícil hacer que rindan cuentas ante la sociedad cada vez que actúan como compinches explícitos o implícitos de aquellos que intentan ir en contra de las reglas de la democracia."]]}],["$","h3","t-6",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Antecedentes: redes sociales, fake news y los agujeros negros de la regulación"]}]]}],["$","p","t-7",{"children":[["La estrategia de desinformación basada en un uso malicioso sistemático de las redes sociales (especialmente a través de Whatsapp y Facebook) constituyó un componente clave en la victoria de Bolsonaron por sobre el candidato del Partido de los Trabajadores, Fernando Haddad, en las elecciones presidenciales de 2018."]]}],["$","p","t-8",{"children":[["Aunque en ese entonces el altísimo grado de polarización política en el país no constitutía un hecho novedoso, el uso de tácticas masivas de desinformación que las explotasen con fines electorales sí lo era. Como afirma el reporte preliminar de la comisión observadora de la Organización de los Estados Americanos, aunque el fenómeno había sido identificado previamente en otros países, el caso brasileño presentaba nuevos desafíos —como por ejemplo el uso de sistemas encriptados para la difusión masiva de noticias falsas. Especialmente entre la primera y la segunda ronda de los comicios, resultó claro que el bando bolsonarista había hecho de su estrategia de redes sociales una de sus armas más eficientes."]]}],["$","p","t-9",{"children":[["Los responsables de la campaña de Haddad tomaron nota de modo relativamente rápido del problema al que se enfrentaban, y ensayaron un abanico de respuestas que abarcarcó desde denuncias ante la Justicia Electoral, a la habilitación de un número telefónico para recibir denuncias relacionadas con la distribución de fake news (que llegó a sumar 5000 de ellas en apenas 12 horas). Sin embargo, la naturaleza encriptada y profundamente capilar de Whatsapp (que facilita la dispersión de contenido falso entre grupos de familiares, amigos, y colegas) así como la débil reacción de las compañías responsables de monitorear el contenido en el ámbito de sus redes (particularmente Twitter y Facebook), sumadas a la dinámica acelerada propia de un proceso electoral, probaron ser un componente difícil de desarticular a tiempo, tanto por parte del PT como de la Justicia Electoral. En la primera ronda de los comicios, el frente de Bolsonaro "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["Brasil por Encima de Todo "]}],["(¿les suena?) obtuvo el 46% de los votos válidos, a unos sorprendentes 17 puntos del PT, que le fue a la zaga con algo más del 29%. La inesperada magnitud de esta diferencia encendió todas las alarmas, y fue de alguna manera el momento en el que la totalidad del arco progresista parece haber tomado verdadera dimensión del peligro (también fue el momento en el que como compañía, nos sentimos llamados a colaborar en una posible respuesta). "]]}],["$","p","t-10",{"children":[["Ya en la segunda vuelta, Bolsonaro fue finalmente declarado vencedor con el algo más del 55% de los votos, a unos diez puntos de distancia del candidato del Partido de los Trabajadores. Así daba comienzo al primer gobierno declaradamente de derecha en la historia de la joven democracia del país."]]}],["$","p","t-11",{"children":[["A poco más de cuatro años de aquel día, la administración bolsonarista no solo confirmó, sino que sobrepasó los peores temores albergados en un primero momento por los actores progresistas. Bastan recordar, en este sentido, la aceleración de la destrucción de la selva amazónica; el avance sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, las personas racializadas y el colectivo LGBTQ+; la pésima gestión de la crisis del Covid-19; el retroceso en términos de seguridad alimentaria de los sectores más vulnerables; el profundo daño infringido a las instituciones democráticas, etc."]]}],["$","p","t-12",{"children":[["En 2018, Tectonica trabajó en una solución alternativa a la de la mera distribución de mensajes y la lógica disociativa de las redes sociales. Nuestra participación en la campaña de Fernando Haddad tuvo el objetivo de desarrollar conexiones directas y a escala entre el equipo de campaña y los activistas, y entre estos y su entorno más inmediato."]]}],["$","p","t-13",{"children":[["Tectonica tomó contacto con el equipo de campaña del Partido de los Trabajadores al día siguiente de la primera vuelta de las elecciones, cuando solo restaban 14 días para la segunda ronda. En ese momento, nuestra empresa tenía su sede en Argentina. En tanto habitantes de un país latinoamericano vecino a Brasil, en una empresa parcialmente propiedad de una argentina, en un continente de agudas divisiones políticas y rampante desigualdad, observamos con especial preocupación los acontecimientos del otro lado de la frontera."]]}],["$","p","t-14",{"children":[["Rápidamente identificamos que el área donde nuestra experiencia podía ser de mayor utilidad era la de la coordinación de activistas con el fin de contrarrestar la desinformación a través de una plataforma que conectase a gente de a pie con sus comunidades. Nuestra herramienta, "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["Ativistas com Haddad"]}],[", permitía al equipo de campaña definir de manera rápida una serie de acciones tanto online como presenciales, y distribuirlas rápidamente entre los seguidores. Una vez que los usuarios se daban de alta en la aplicación, recibían una lista de acciones posibles ajustadas a sus intereses e identidades (incluidas personas LGBTQ, habitantes de una misma comunidad, personas de color), estableciendo relaciones genuinas con los vecinos, la familia, la comunidad, etc. en términos de experiencia de vida diaria. Completándolas, ganaban “distintivos” y “premios”. Esta herramienta logró que 60,000 activistas completasen más de 250,000 acciones a lo largo de diez días, y tuvo un cierto impacto en las últimas semanas previas a la elección. Sin embargo, a tan solo catorce días de la segunda vuelta, era poco probable que un esfuerzo de esta magnitud fuese suficiente para dar vuelta el resultado."]]}],["$","p","t-15",{"children":[[" "]]}],["$","div",null,{"className":"image-wrapper default","children":[["$","$L15",null,{"src":"https://www.datocms-assets.com/101636/1727725482-ativistas_com_haddad.jpeg","alt":"Image","width":540,"height":282,"style":{"width":"$undefined","height":"$undefined","objectFit":"$undefined"}}],"$undefined"]}],["$","h3","t-17",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Una insurrección anunciada"]}]]}],["$","p","t-18",{"children":[["El pasado domingo 8 de enero, miles de bolsonaristas, agitando acusaciones de un supuesto fraude durante las últimas elecciones y desconociendo a da Silva como legítimo presidente, se pusieron en marcha desde un campamento improvisado frente a la sede del ejército hasta llegar a la Plaza de los Tres Poderes, en donde rápidamente doblegaron la tímida resistencia de las fuerzas policiales y penetraron en el interior del edificio del Planalto, llevando adelante destrozos, incendios y otros actos de vandalismo. Luego harían lo propio en el palacio legislativo y el edificio judicial."]]}],["$","p","t-19",{"children":[["La reacción del nuevo gobierno fue contundente: hacia el final de la tarde, las fuerzas de seguridad ya habían arrestado a varias decenas de responsables, mientras que el ejecutivo daba los primeros pasos para intervenir el Distrito Federal ante sospechas de connivencia entre los bolsonaristas y el gobernador de Brasilia."]]}],["$","p","t-20",{"children":[["El intento de golpe había sido desarticulado. La democracia en Brasil, sin embargo, había sufrido su ataque más serio desde el último golpe militar, en 1964."]]}],["$","p","t-21",{"children":[["Por razones obvias, los paralelismos entre el asalto al Capitolio del 6 de enero de 2021 y los acontecimientos en Brasil ocuparon buena parte de los análisis propuestos. Por segunda vez en dos años, una democracia occidental (la segunda y la cuarta en el mundo por número de electores) debía enfrentar un intento de golpe a manos de simpatizantes de un líder de extrema derecha que se negaban a reconocer los resultados de elecciones libres y democráticas. Y por segunda vez, dichos simpatizantes habían vivido durante meses, antes y después de los comicios, en una burbuja de noticias falsas y acusaciones conspirativas ampliamente divulgadas a través de las redes sociales, y que de algún modo los había convencido de que la insurrección constituía la única salida posible. Este efecto de "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["deja-vu "]}],["se vuelve particularmente nítido al ver las imágenes que muestran a los bolsonaristas avanzando por el Eje Monumental en dirección a la plaza, en una especie de re-enacting de los simpatizantes de Trump caminando por el National Mall rumbo al Capitolio."]]}],["$","p","t-22",{"children":[["Sin embargo, no todos son paralelismos. En enero del 2021, pocos imaginaban un escenario en el cual miles de simpatizantes trumpistas lograsen coordinar un ataque de la envergadura que hoy conocemos. El “‘éxito” del ataque al Capitolio parece haber sido el resultado de una serie fortuita de acontecimientos, y el corolario improbable frente al cual los mismos asaltantes fueron, en cierto sentido, los primeros sorprendidos. "],["$","strong","t-1",{"children":["En Brasil, por el contrario, la insurrección directa y el desconocimiento de las reglas básicas de la democracia aparece como una herramienta más de la extrema derecha, uno más entre tantos métodos."]}]]}],["$","p","t-23",{"children":[["La organización de los insurrectos en Brasilia fue cualquier cosa, menos clandestina. Por un lado, las señales de que los partidarios de Bolsonaro se preparaban para un resultado adverso en las elecciones presidenciales eran de público conocimiento, tanto dentro como fuera del país, incluso antes del proceso electoral. Por el otro, los atacantes acamparon a la vista de las autoridades por varios días, y durante todo ese tiempo intentaron convencer (sin éxito) a las fuerzas armadas de plegarse al golpe en ciernes. Fue solamente cuando dicha posibilidad se reveló improbable que la multitud decidió marchar sobre Planalto. En todo caso, lo sorprendente fue que todo el asunto transcurriese de manera tan abierta, y así y todo la insurrección no haya sido impedida."]]}],["$","h3","t-24",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Lecciones"]}]]}],["$","p","t-25",{"children":[["Una vez más, la utilización de tecnologías de amplificación de mensajes jugaron un papel determinante en un intento de golpe de estado. Más allá de las diferencias tácticas (un mayor uso de plataformas como Telegram frente a una relativamnte mayor preparación para enfrentar esfuerzos de desinformación parte de los gigantes como Facebook y Twitter), lo que a esta altura resulta claro es que el impacto sistémico de tales herramientas digitales es por naturaleza ineficaz e incluso contraproducente para llevar adelante un cambio social de tinte progresista. Por que han sido creadas con el único objetivo de generar ganancias, están mucho mejor preparadas para transmitir y diseminar mensajes simplistas, datos falsos y discursos de odio, que para llevar estimular el tipo de relaciones sociales complejas que una organización del tipo progresista requiere. Por otra parte, no existen prácticamente mecanismos de rendición de cuentas que obligue a sus propietarios a responder por el daño creado a través de ellas."]]}],["$","p","t-26",{"children":[["El caso de Brasil expone con nitidez los principales problemas que enfrentan las sociedades democráticas, a la vez que ilustra los límites de las formas tradicionales de construir poder político. Por otra parte, pone de manifiesto la peligrosidad que emerge en la intersección entre diferentes actores políticos, sociales, y tecnológicos, y la relativa facilidad con la que pueden socavar los mecanismos de un sistema democrático. Frente a un contexto de permanente crisis marcado por la creciente debilidad de las democracias, las consecuencias de la invasión de Ucrania por parte de Rusia, los efectos cada vez más agudos del calentamiento planetario, el ascenso de la extrema derecha, y el aumento estratosférico de la desigualdad ya no solo en el Sur sino también en el Norte global (a raíz de la colonizacion neoliberal de los decisores económicos), no es raro que los partidos y organizaciones progresistas encuentren cada vez más difícil la tarea de construir poder de manera eficaz y sostenida."]]}],["$","p","t-27",{"children":[["En tal sentido, creemos que el contexto exige la instrumentación de nuevas formas de construcción de legitimidad política que abracen la complejidad de la tarea, y abandonen la esperanza de que existe una “receta” o “bala de plata” eficaz ante diferentes desafíos. Esto implica, a nuestro entender, ir más allá de la mera acumulación de recursos, las métricas de vanidad, o la confianza en tácticas meramente comunicacionales, y comenzar a pensar estratégicamente su verdadero impacto a la hora de generar cambio político y social. "]]}],["$","p","t-28",{"children":[["En su excepcional ensayo "],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/P/bo68659118.html","children":[["Prisms of the People"]]}],[", las autoras Hahrie Han, Liz McKenna, y Michelle Oyakawa examinaron los rasgos comunes de algunas organizaciones que han tenido éxito a la hora de generar un genuino cambio social en sus comunidades, y constantaron que el elemento subyacente a este éxito era el tipo de relaciones que dichas organizaciones habían logrado desarrollar para con sus constituyentes."]]}],["$","p","t-29",{"children":[["$","em","t-0",{"children":["“When we began the project, we thought we might find patterns in the types of plans deployed. Instead, we found that the leaders in our cases shared a strategic dynamism and clarity about sustaining that dynamism. There was no clear formula for power, no tactic, tool, resource, or action that would guarantee success. (...) What was common was a strategic logic about how to cultivate people as effective sources of power and stay accountable to them when wielding power in the public domain.” "]}]]}],["$","p","t-30",{"children":[["Las autoras no desconocen el rol de las diferentes tácticas y herramientas utilizadas por estas organizaciones, sino que señalan que lo que verdaderamente importaba era la lógica estratégica que cultivaba a las personas como el fundamente auténtico de un poder colectivo."]]}],["$","p","t-31",{"children":[["Es en este sentido que el ensayo de Han, McKenna y Oyakawa resulta central en la elaboración de nuestro modelo de cambio social y político: "],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"https://www.tectonica.co/stairway_model","children":[["Stairway for Social and Political Change"]]}],[". Dicho modelo se propone encontrar oportunidades en todos aquellos elementos de una organización (presupuesto, recursos monetarios, mangniud de listas de email, alcance de las redes sociales, etc.); oportunidades que permitan llevar adelante el cultivo de relaciones con los seguidores a fin de facilitar aquello que constitute en verdadero poder: el poder de cualquier organización: el de las personas."]]}],["$","p","t-32",{"children":[["Los últimos acontecimientos en Brasil constituyen un poderoso llamado de atención para los movimientos y organizaciones progresistas independientemente de su misión, peso relativo y ubicación geográfica. Vale la pena recordar que incluso después de la desastrosa administración de Bolsonaro, Lula ganó por un margen muy estrecho, a las vez que la mayoría del Congreso se encuentra en manos de una oposición que en ocasiones ha jugado en los límites del sistema democrático. Las fake news, la siempre latente posibilidad de un golpes administrativo y otro tipo de amenazas similares siguen siendo un alto riesgo, incluso con Lula en la presidencia. "]]}],["$","p","t-33",{"children":[["Todo esto parece sugerir que hasta que llevemos adelante la tarea más fundamental de crear políticas profundamente democráticas (incluidas las campañas), ancladas en las personas y atentas a los desafíos de una era en la que lo digital y las redes sociales lo permean todo, tales peligros seguirán existiendo y constituyen una amenaza para todos aquellos agentes que trabajan por un futuro más justo y próspero para sus comunidades."]]}],["$","p","t-34",{"children":[["También son un recordatorio constante de la necesidad de nutrir, sobre todo, el tejido de relaciones reales entre todos los miembros de una comunidad. Solo de estas relaciones es posible esperar el surgimiento de líderes con capacidad para inspirarnos de cara a los múltiples desafíos de las próximas décadas."]]}],["$","hr","t-35",{}],["$","h2","t-36",{"children":[["Brazil: The (Fully Anticipated) Road to Insurrection "]]}],["$","h3","t-37",{"children":[["("],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"#Spanish","children":[["Versión en español arriba"]]}],[")"]]}],["$","h3","t-38",{"children":[["Intro"]]}],["$","p","t-39",{"children":[["On January 8, just a week after the start of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva’s third term as president, supporters of far-right ex-president Jair Bolsonaro attempted to carry out a coup in Brazil by assaulting the main headquarters of political power of Brasília."]]}],["$","p","t-40",{"children":[["In this article, we present a brief account of the facts and their background, as well as some reflections that concern the intersection between politics and technology on the margins of government regulation, and the possible responses of progressive movements to the threats that loom over democracy. In our opinion, the recent events in Brazil confirm our hypothesis that the prevalence of social media and similar tools as a central connecting place of civics - whether that be in political campaigning or elsewhere, run counter to democratic norms and our progressive vision for the world. This is because the underlying design of this type of tool is not to achieve social change but to make profits at all costs. On the other hand, there are no real ways to enforce accountability on them whenever they act as explicit or implicit sidekicks of those who intend to go against the rules of democracy."]]}],["$","h3","t-41",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Background: social networks, fake news, and the black holes of regulation"]}]]}],["$","p","t-42",{"children":[["Disinformation strategies based on systemic, malicious use of social networks (especially through WhatsApp and Facebook) was a key component in Bolsonaro's victory over the candidate of the Workers' Party, Fernando Haddad, back in the 2018 presidential elections."]]}],["$","p","t-43",{"children":[["While the high degree of polarisation across society was not a new factor in Brazil's politics, the use of massive disinformation tactics for electoral purposes was. According to a preliminary report by the Organization of American States observer commission for the 2018 elections, the Brazilian case presented new challenges such as the use of encrypted systems for the massive dissemination of false news. While this phenomenon had previously been identified in other countries, this was a first for Brazil. It was clear that Bolsonaro’s campaign had turned its social media strategy into an extremely efficient weapon, especially between the first and second rounds of elections."]]}],["$","p","t-44",{"children":[["The team at Haddad's campaign took note of the problem they were facing relatively quickly and tried several responses, from more institutional ones (reporting the issue to the Electoral Court) to the setup of a dedicated phone number to receive complaints related to the distribution of fake news (which reached 5,000 calls in just 12 hours). However, the encrypted and deeply capillary nature of WhatsApp (which facilitates the spread of false content among groups of family members, friends, and colleagues), as well as the weak reaction of the companies responsible for monitoring content within their own networks (particularly Twitter and Facebook), all combined with the accelerated dynamics one can expect of an electoral process, proved to be a difficult component to dismantle in time, both for the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers Party) as well as the Electoral Justice."]]}],["$","p","t-45",{"children":[["In the first round, Bolsonaro's "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["Brazil Above Everything"]}],[" (does the name ring a bell?) obtained 46% of the valid votes, a surprising margin of almost 17 points from PT, which got only 29%. The unexpected magnitude of such a difference set off alarms, and it was the moment in which the progressive movement seemed to have understood the true extent of the danger (it was also the moment in which, as a company, we felt called to formulate a response, see below)."]]}],["$","p","t-46",{"children":[["In the end, Bolsonaro was declared the winner with just over 55% of the votes, ten points ahead of the candidate of the Workers' Party. It was the first openly right-wing government in the country's young democracy."]]}],["$","p","t-47",{"children":[["A little over four years on from that day, the Bolsonaro administration had not only confirmed, but also surpassed, the worst fears initially harboured by progressive actors. Just to name a few of the consequences: the acceleration of the destruction of the Amazon jungle; setbacks in the rights of indigenous and BIPOC peoples, as well as the LGBTQ+ communities; the disastrous management of the Covid-19 crisis; the increased fragility of food security for the most impoverished population; the deep damage inflicted on democratic institutions, etc."]]}],["$","p","t-48",{"children":[[" "]]}],["$","p","t-49",{"children":[["In 2018, Tectonica worked on an alternative solution to the mere distribution of messages and the dissociative logic of social networks. Our involvement in Haddad’s campaign had the objective of developing direct and scaled connections between the campaign team and the activists, and between them and their immediate environment."]]}],["$","p","t-50",{"children":[["Tectonica made contact with the Workers Party campaign team the day after the first round of elections, with only 14 days remaining until the final election. At that time, our company was headquartered in Argentina. Coming from a Latin American country neighbouring Brazil, in a company co-owned by an Argentine, in a continent of sharp political divisions and inequalities, we watched the events develop on the other side of the border with special concern, alarmed at the decay of a democracy which was so recently (historically speaking) won in Latin America after a long-fought battle in the 20th century."]]}],["$","p","t-51",{"children":[["We quickly identified that the area where our expertise could be most useful was the coordination of real people and activists through a platform that truly connects individuals with each other. Our tool, "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["Ativistas com Haddad"]}],[", allowed the campaign team to quickly put together a series of actions (both online and in-person) and quickly distribute them among supporters. Once users signed up for the platform, they received a list of possible actions tailored to their interests and identities (including LBGTI, people living in the city, people of colour) - making real connections with neighbours, family, community, etc on the terms of their lived experience. By completing these actions, they earned “badges” and “awards”. This tool got 60,000 activists to complete more than 250,000 actions over ten days and had a certain impact in the final weeks leading up to the election. That being said, with only fourteen days remaining until the final round, “last ditch” efforts like these were unlikely to turn the tide."]]}],["$","p","t-52",{"children":[[" "]]}],["$","div",null,{"className":"image-wrapper default","children":[["$","$L15",null,{"src":"https://www.datocms-assets.com/101636/1727725482-ativistas_com_haddad.jpeg","alt":"Image","width":540,"height":282,"style":{"width":"$undefined","height":"$undefined","objectFit":"$undefined"}}],"$undefined"]}],["$","h3","t-54",{"children":[["An Announced Coup"]]}],["$","p","t-55",{"children":[["On Sunday, January 8th, thousands of Bolsonaro supporters, waving accusations of alleged fraud during the last elections and rejecting da Silva as the legitimate president, marched from a makeshift camp in front of the army headquarters to the Three Powers Plaza, where they quickly overran the weak resistance of police forces and penetrated inside the Planalto building which houses the presidential office, destroying everything they found, setting furniture on fire, and carrying out several other acts of vandalism. They would do the same with the legislative palace and the judicial building."]]}],["$","p","t-56",{"children":[["The new government reacted fast and decisively: by late evening, security forces had already arrested dozens of perpetrators, while the president took the first steps to intervene in the Federal District due to suspicions of collusion between the bolsonaristas and the Governor of Brasilia."]]}],["$","p","t-57",{"children":[["The attempted coup had been dismantled. Democracy in Brazil, however, had suffered the most serious attack since the last military coup, in 1964."]]}],["$","p","t-58",{"children":[["The parallels between the assault on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, and the events in Brazil became a focus of attention immediately. After all, for the second time in only two years, a Western democracy (the second and fourth largest in the world by number of voters) had to face a coup attempt at the hands of supporters of a far-right leader who refused to recognise the results of free and democratic elections. And for the second time, these supporters had lived in a bubble of fake news and conspiratorial accusations widely spread through social media for months, before and after the election, which had somehow convinced them that the insurrection was the only possible way out. This "],["$","em","t-1",{"children":["deja-vu"]}],[" effect becomes particularly clear when looking at the images that show the bolsonaristas advancing along the Monumental Axis ("],["$","em","t-3",{"children":["Eixo Monumental"]}],[") in the direction of the plaza, a sort of re-enactment of Trump supporters walking along the National Mall towards the Capitol."]]}],["$","p","t-59",{"children":[["However, not everything is a parallel to the attacks in the US. In January 2021, few imagined a scenario in which thousands of Trump supporters managed to coordinate an attack on the scale we know today. The “‘success” of such an attack looks increasingly like the result of many unusual and unfortunate events, something that the attackers themselves were kind of surprised about. "],["$","strong","t-1",{"children":["In Brazil, on the other hand, the call to insurrection seems like more of an established tool for the extreme right, one among many methods (although in this case, an already proven one)."]}]]}],["$","p","t-60",{"children":[["The organisation of the insurgents in Brasília was anything but stealthy. Signs that Bolsonaro supporters were preparing a response to the presidential election results were widely known, both inside and outside the country, even before the electoral process took place. The attackers camped in full view of the authorities for several days, and during all that time, they tried (unsuccessfully) to convince the army to join the impending coup. It was only when such a possibility proved unlikely that the crowd decided to march over Planalto. In any case, what was surprising was that the whole affair took place in such an open manner, yet the insurrection was not prevented."]]}],["$","h3","t-61",{"children":[["$","strong","t-0",{"children":["Lessons Learned"]}]]}],["$","p","t-62",{"children":[["Once again, the use of message amplification technologies played a determining role in the attempted coup. Beyond the tactical differences (such as greater use of platforms like Telegram versus Facebook and Twitter, which were somehow prepared to respond to big-scale disinformation), what seems clear now is that the systemic impact of such digital tools are, by nature, ineffective and even counterproductive to carry forward progressive social change. Because they have been created for the sole purpose of generating profit, they are far better equipped to transmit and disseminate simplistic messages, false data, and hate speech, than to stimulate the kind of complex social relationships that a progressive-type organisation requires to incentivise among its stakeholders. On the other hand, there are practically no accountability mechanisms that force these companies to answer for the damage created through them."]]}],["$","p","t-63",{"children":[["The case of Brazil clearly exposes the main problems facing democratic societies while illustrating the limits of traditional ways of building political power. It reveals the danger that emerges at the intersection between different political, social, and technological actors, and the relative ease with which they can undermine the mechanisms of a democratic system. Faced with a context of permanent crisis signalled by the ever-increasing weakness of democratic institutions, the geopolitical consequences of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the acute effects of global warming, the rise of the extreme right, and the stratospheric rise of inequality not only in the South but also in the global North (as a result of the neoliberal colonisation of economic decision-makers), it is not uncommon for progressive parties and organisations to find the task of building sustainable collective power effectively and efficiently, increasingly difficult."]]}],["$","p","t-64",{"children":[["In this sense, we believe that the context requires the implementation of newly constructed forms of political legitimacy that embrace the complexity of the task and abandon the hope that there is an effective \"recipe\" or \"silver bullet\" in the face of such different challenges. This implies, in our opinion, going beyond the mere accumulation of resources, and vanity metrics, or relying solely on communication tactics and beginning to think strategically about its true impact when it comes to generating political and social change."]]}],["$","p","t-65",{"children":[["In their exceptional book "],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/P/bo68659118.html","children":[["Prisms of the People,"]]}],[" authors Hahrie Han, Liz McKenna, and Michelle Oyakawa examined the common traits of some organisations that have been successful in bringing about genuine social change in their communities, finding that the underlying element of this success was the type of relationships that these organisations had managed to develop with their constituents."]]}],["$","p","t-66",{"children":[["$","em","t-0",{"children":["“When we began the project, we thought we might find patterns in the types of plans deployed. Instead, we found that the leaders in our cases shared a strategic dynamism and clarity about sustaining that dynamism. There was no clear formula for power, no tactic, tool, resource, or action that would guarantee success. (...) What was common was a strategic logic about how to cultivate people as effective sources of power and stay accountable to them when wielding power in the public domain.” "]}]]}],["$","p","t-67",{"children":[["It’s very important to know that the authors do not ignore the role of the different tactics and tools used by these organisations. However, they do point out that what really mattered was the strategic logic that cultivated people as the authentic foundation of collective power."]]}],["$","p","t-68",{"children":[["It is in this sense that the work by Han, McKenna, and Oyakawa becomes central to the elaboration of our own model: "],["$","a","t-1",{"href":"https://www.tectonica.co/stairway_model","children":[["the Stairway for Social and Political Change"]]}],[". This model proposes to look at different aspects and elements of an organisation (budget, monetary resources, the magnitude of email lists, reach of social networks, etc.), seeing them as opportunities for the further development of supporter relationships, unleashing what we think is the most important type of power an organisation has: that of its people."]]}],["$","p","t-69",{"children":[["The latest events in Brazil are a powerful wake-up call for progressive movements and organisations of any size and in any geographic location. It is worth remembering that even after Bolsonaro’s disastrous administration, Lula won by a very thin margin, and the majority of Congress is in the hands of an opposition that hasn’t always played according to the democratic playbook. Fake news, the potential for attempted administrative coups, and other threats still remain a high risk, even with Lula in the presidency. This seems to suggest that until the more fundamental job of creating deeply democratic politics (including campaigning) is done, based on people and in the challenging context of the digital and social media age, such dangers will still exist and are a threat to all agents that work towards a more fair and prosperous future for their communities. They are also a constant reminder of the need to nurture, above all, the fabric of real relationships between all members of a community. Only from these relationships is it possible to expect the emergence of leaders with the capacity to inspire us ahead of the multiple challenges in the coming decades."]]}]]}]]}]]}],["$","div",null,{"className":"more-posts","children":["$","div",null,{"className":"container","children":[["$","h4",null,{"children":"Keep Reading"}],["$","div",null,{"className":"blog-list","children":["$","div",null,{"className":"row","children":[["$","div",null,{"className":"col-lg-4","children":["$","$L16",null,{"href":"/posts/you-cant-command-a-movement","children":["$","div",null,{"className":"block-post-card","children":[["$","$L15",null,{"src":"https://www.datocms-assets.com/101636/1746530741-dnc-blog-1.jpg","className":"img-fluid","alt":"Post cover image","width":600,"height":400}],["$","span",null,{"children":"MAY 6 - 2025"}],["$","h4",null,{"children":"You Can’t Command a Movement: Why the DNC’s strategy must go deeper than a memo."}],["$","p",null,{"dangerouslySetInnerHTML":{"__html":"On April 17th, something extraordinary happened.\nThe Democratic National Committee (DNC) released a memo, “Our Vision for Organizing Everywhere”, laying out a bold vision for organizing — a dramatic rhetorical shift from the very entrenched structures..."}}]]}]}]}],["$","div",null,{"className":"col-lg-4","children":["$","$L16",null,{"href":"/posts/accountability_through_mobilizing","children":["$","div",null,{"className":"block-post-card","children":[["$","$L15",null,{"src":"https://www.datocms-assets.com/101636/1743608075-image-1.png","className":"img-fluid","alt":"Post cover image","width":600,"height":400}],["$","span",null,{"children":"APR 3 - 2025"}],["$","h4",null,{"children":" How We Win Again: Accountability, Organizing, and the Needed Democratic Mobilization "}],["$","p",null,{"dangerouslySetInnerHTML":{"__html":"Across Europe, mass mobilizations have emerged in response to the far right’s growing power. 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